Saturday, 5 November 2022

Barbra Streisand on Her Pristine Early Recordings: ‘That Girl Can Sing’

Barbra Streisand on Her Pristine Early Recordings: ‘That Girl Can Sing’


Live at the Bon Soir,” a restored set of songs from November 1962, allows listeners today and Streisand, herself to rediscover the sounds of a star being born.


Barbra Streisand onstage at the Bon Soir in the West Village. A collection of her newly restored recordings from the small West Village club is being released as “Live at the Bon Soir.” Credit... Don Hunstein/Columbia Records






By Wesley Morris




For about 60 years, Barbra Streisand has had the same manager, Marty Erlichman. He’s 93 now and still remembers the night he knew there was nobody like her.







It was 1960. She was 18 and had earned a gig performing at the Bon Soir, a small, chic club in New York’s West Village. Over the phone earlier this week, he recalled sitting at a front-row table with some other reps, including a guy from William Morris, and Jack Rollins, who managed Woody Allen at the time. When Streisand started her set, one of them leaned over and said, “See, it’s acts like that need someone like me.” She was doing it wrong. Why was she opening with a ballad? Why was she opening with a ballad in those clothes?


Streisand’s two-week gig was extended to 11, then rebooked over the next two years, becoming a drag-your-friends, word-of-mouth must-see. The songwriters Alan and Marilyn Bergman caught it and had the same experience Erlichman did: cartoon birds flying around their heads. The Bergmans would go on to write the lyrics for the Streisand gems “The Way We Were,” “You Don’t Bring Me Flowers” (with Neil Diamond) and the songs for her directorial debut, “Yentl.” But that night, they were simply in awe. Alan, who’s 97, told me over the phone that “the minute she sang less than eight bars, Marilyn was in tears.”


What they all witnessed was a star, this singular source of incandescence — pillow-soft singing that was pow-right-in-the-kisser, too; phrasing that could turn a song into a literary event; and timing most stand-ups wish they had.


Now, 60 years later, we can hear what they saw, on “Live at the Bon Soir,” a pristinely restored recording of three dozen songs from late November 1962 that’s due Friday. During the Bon Soir run, Erlichman got Streisand signed with Columbia Records, which arranged a recording of the show but shelved it in favor of an 11-song studio version, “The Barbra Streisand Album,” from 1963.







To Streisand, it’s just as well. “I was only, what, 20 years old, and I didn’t like the sound,” she said from her home in Los Angeles, describing speakers poised over her head the size of shoe boxes. “You could hear the hiss.” Now, technology can solve almost any sonic dilemma. So Streisand finally handed over the recordings from her vault to the engineer and musician Jochem van der Saag, who excavated the pure sound of the original show and restored what the Marty Erlichmans and Alan and Marilyn Bergmans of the world would have heard: something close to perfection.


At 80, Streisand isn’t going out of her way to listen to music she’s already made. By her own admission, she’s too busy worrying about the state of the country to fuss over her work. But what she heard surprised her. “I didn’t realize, actually, that my vocals were that good ’til they played me the new one,” she said, before laughing. “I thought, ‘Oh my God. That girl can sing.’”


That, of course, is the shock of “Live at the Bon Soir.” We’re hearing a voice that’s been at the center of American singing for more than half a century being heard for just about the first time. We thought we knew everything it has done, every way it could sound. And yet it’s mind-blowing to discover all it could do, in a little nightclub, with a crack four-man band and the crowd eating out of her hand — giddy and coquettish, yet accomplished and skilled, lunatic yet in control.


Streisand is the kind of performer who, more than a year into her Bon Soir run, jokes to an audience, “People complain that I don’t do standards. Well, here’s a standard,” then launches into “Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad Wolf” with an impossible featherweight world weariness. The range of her singing isn’t just a matter of octaves. It’s the diversity of characters the voice can find for one song. On “The Big Bad Wolf,” it’s story time and operetta, Big Mama Thornton and Ethel Merman. For “Lover, Come Back to Me,” it’s something to rival Ella Fitzgerald in the way she can already take a tune, especially in concert, from botanical garden to boxing match. That performance certainly ranks up there with the supreme Streisand interpretations of anything. By 20, she’d achieved this near-mastery all with, what, by 1962, were standards, grandma music.







That, of course, was what made the suits nervous: a repertoire that included Tin Pan Alley and show tunes, those dreaded ballads and jazz; Oscar Hammerstein, Harold Arlen and Fats Waller. Where were the big pop songs? The contemporary stuff. The “Surfin’ U.S.A.” The “Walk Like a Man.” The “Be My Baby.” The “Fingertips.” The “It’s My Party.”


When Erlichman took her to audition — live — for Capitol, RCA and Columbia, “Everyone said the same thing,” he recalled. “‘She has a good voice.’” (If he ever wrote a book, he said, he’d call it “Good Closes on Wednesday.”) Obviously, she was capable of great art. “She wasn’t singing commercial songs,” Erlichman said. And “executives, they’re frightened to break new ground.”


But Streisand could appreciate the splendor of an old object. That’s what the vintage outfits she’d wear onstage were all about. “I always bought antique clothes,” she said, “because I thought they were so beautiful. I admired the craftsmanship.” The craftsmanship of the 1890s.







“Opening night, I wore a black, high-necked velvet beaded top,” she said. “I had my tailor make me a little black velvet skirt that went with that top. But I didn’t know you’re not supposed to dress like that. I didn’t know that when you sing in a nightclub, you’re supposed to have kind of a gown or something elegant, made out of fabulous silks or satins.” At some point on “The Bon Soir,” you can hear her tell the audience that she’s wearing her boyfriend’s suit. She told me that “the masculine and the feminine was what felt comfortable on me.”


That admiration she harbors for well-made things obviously extends to the Great American Songbook: superior craftsmanship. Its hundreds of dynamic, adaptable songs rely on characters, stories, wordplay and variations on a theme. For a singer, figuring them out is like doing math or the crossword or architecture. They’re also an opportunity to act, which is what Streisand says she wanted to do in the first place. During the Bon Soir run, she was splitting her days between nightclubs and Broadway, where she was loudly making a name for herself as the secretary Miss Marmelstein in “I Can Get It for You Wholesale.”


The wit and drama of the Songbook lyrics lend themselves to a theatrical approach. An imaginative singer can phrase a standard any way she likes. And, in that regard, Streisand has one of the great imaginations. Each Bon Soir song, she said, had a different character for her to play. And what comes through now is a devastating understanding of tone, shading, pitch, diction but also emotional variability. At the Bon Soir, she makes “Cry Me a River” an exploding torch song. When she finishes, one of her musicians — the guitarist Tiger Haynes or the bassist Averill Pollard — says, “Let’s go home now, let’s go home.” Yes, because Streisand just burned the place down.







“She wants to know every single word, and if a word doesn’t make sense to her, she’ll stop and go, ‘I don’t understand. Why this word?’” the composer, conductor and arranger Bill Ross said in a video call. He’s been collaborating with Streisand on live shows since the early 1990s, and said one thing that makes Streisand Streisand is that she’ll spend so much time, “just on the lyrics trying to make sure they make sense to her.” Once she’s got that down, only then can she ask what the melody is. “I’ve never seen any other artist like that,” he said.


Streisand is such a rigorously engaged interpreter yet also a kind of Method performer that she can’t imagine herself doing anything the same way twice. “I want to be in the moment,” she said. “That’s what you learn as an actress, that you have to be in the moment. That’s why no two takes of mine are the same. You know, it’s hard to edit me because I don’t phrase it the same. If I’m in the moment, I can’t sing the same. That’s why when I did ‘A Star Is Born,’ I said I have to sing live.”


With that approach, if the soundtracks, say, for “Funny Girl” or “Hello, Dolly,” get recorded months in advance, “Well, how do I know how I’m going to feel when I’m singing ‘My Man’ at the end of ‘Funny Girl’?”


That spontaneity is what made an impression on van der Saag, the engineer who spent months deep inside the “Bon Soir” recordings. He told me a great vocalist ought to have superb intonation, phrasing and sense of melody. Besides Streisand being “absolutely the best” on those first three, she has “this other thing,” that’s probably a result of being an actor, what he calls transference of emotion.


Someone can get a song technically correct, which is a feat. “But to be able to just sing to the listener wherever they are and make them feel an emotion,” he said, “and to that extent? That is another level. And, you know, it’s very rare that you come across vocalists who have that.


Streisand’s use of Jewish American humor, Jewish American vibrancy (throwaway lines, ba-dum-bum comedy, the border she permeates between Brooklyn and Buckingham Palace) is also an emotional transmission. “This next song is from a record-breaking show,” she says before doing a quickie called “Value.” “It lasted nine previews and one performance. It was called ‘Another Evening with Harry Stoones.’” Streisand extends the “o” in Stoones for a lick for derision then, lowering her voice a touch, buries her dagger: “No wonduh …” It’s expert comedy. The song is a riot so fast and moving, uninhibited and exhibitionist, that it’s as close as singing gets to streaking.


Streisand said she grew up around all kinds of people and all kinds of life. She moved through the city with an open heart. “I lived as a young girl in Williamsburg,” she said. “You know, Williamsburg was not what it is today with highfalutin apartments and fancy shops. I was in a Black neighborhood with a church across the street. And I loved bowing to the fathers and the sisters because I didn’t have a sister or a father.”







That’s what Streisand evokes on “The Bon Soir.” A single person doing the work of an entire neighborhood. Sixty years later, her neighborhood has become the world. And Streisand frets about its future. But there’s something else on this new album — some other emotional transmission. And it’s the opposite of catastrophic. It’s confidence and poise and security and daring and honesty and a belief in the power of a good song, great bandmates and raw talent.


Barbra Streisand was giving all of that to people, first at the Bon Soir, then everywhere that was smart enough to book her. That’s what else you can hear on this album, what Streisand herself heard upon rediscovering this long lost self. It’s hope.

Clash with Neo-Nazis in Ukraine was inevitable, says Putin

Clash with Neo-Nazis in Ukraine was inevitable, says Putin

Clash with Neo-Nazis in Ukraine was inevitable, says Putin


©Sergei Fadeichev/TASS






Russia would have inevitably got into confrontation with the Ukrainian Neo-Nazi regime but later it would have had to do that from worse positions, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Friday.







"Russia’s confrontation with the Neo-Nazi regime that emerged on the territory of Ukraine was inevitable. Had we not taken the corresponding actions in February, this would have been all the same but only from worse positions for us," the head of state said.


As Putin pointed out, some Western ‘friends’ of Ukraine had driven the situation in that country to a state when it turned to be suicidal for the Ukrainian people and fatal for Russia.


"We see this just from the nature of combat operations. It is simply surprising what is happening. It generally seems that Ukrainians do not exist. They are thrown into the burner and that’s all," the Russian leader said, describing the situation.


It is Ukraine, the Ukrainian people that are "the first and primary victim of the deliberate instigation of hatred for the Russians and for Russia," he said.


"In Russia, it is the other way round. You know well about that. We have always treated and treat the Ukrainian people respectfully and warmly. This has been and this is the case now, despite today’s tragic confrontation," the Russian leader said.







Russia assumed responsibility for what was happening "in order to prevent a far more serious situation," Putin explained.


"We remembered and remember what happened in 1941 when, despite the intelligence data on the inevitable attack on the Soviet Union, the decisions on taking necessary defense measures were delayed. And the victory over Nazism was achieved at such a heavy price," the head of state said.



Confrontation inside one people



The situation today is also uneasy, the Russian leader said.


"It is also difficult and bitter because actually one people is fighting with each other. In actual fact, there is confrontation within one people, the same as was the case after the 1917 upheavals. And now people have been set against each other again," he stressed.


As the Russian leader pointed out, in the last century, foreign powers benefited from the Civil War in Russia and the tragedy of its people: "they did not care a damn about the Whites and the Reds, they pursued their own interests, were engaged in weakening and tearing historical Russia apart."







"And today, by incessantly supplying weapons to Ukraine, bringing in mercenaries there, they are absolutely ruthless about its citizens. At their expense, they are pushing through their geopolitical goals that have nothing in common with the interests of the Ukrainian people," the Russian leader stressed.


Today efforts also continue that are aimed at weakening, disintegrating and ruining Russia, Putin said.


"They lay the basis of the events that are taking place in Ukraine. We will never allow doing that, we will defend our Fatherland in the same manner as our heroic ancestors did," the Russian leader emphasized.

What Prevents UN Blue Helmets From Ensuring Peace in Africa & Beyond?

What Prevents UN Blue Helmets From Ensuring Peace in Africa & Beyond?

What Prevents UN Blue Helmets From Ensuring Peace in Africa & Beyond ?


©AFP 2022 / Giuseppe Cacace






UN peacekeeping missions in Africa have repeatedly come under criticism for failing to curtail and end conflicts in the continent's hot spots. It appears that the peacekeeping agenda does not always correlate with the specifics and needs of the continent’s powers.







"There are structural challenges inherent to UN Peace mission operations. The UN works always or in many contexts where those who hold power are not necessarily (…) integrating UN principles in their reconstruction processes," said Dr. Eric Ndushabandi, a lecturer of political science at the University of Rwanda and director of the Kigali-based Institute of Research and Dialogue for Peace.


"Generally, the state’s authority is lacking, and power is distributed between different lobbies, in political, economic settings with different interests. It is difficult to reconcile and protect 'civilians' when opponents are not always in military uniforms. Rules of engagement and principles are conceived in a context of rational actors, motivated by stability, peace and development, which is not the case (in the region)," Ndushabandi explained.


Genesis of UN Peacekeeping Missions All in all, over one million military and civilian personnel from various countries have participated in 70 UN missions across the world over the past 70 years. Most operations have been in the Middle East and Africa. Currently, a 100,000-strong contingent of UN peacekeepers from 125 countries is taking part in 14 peacekeeping operations.


The first UN peacekeeping mission was launched in May 1948, when the UN Security Council authorized the deployment of a limited contingent of UN military observers to the Middle East. Earlier, in November 1947, the UN General Assembly approved a plan for the partition of Palestine, which was not accepted by the Palestinians and Arab states. The subsequent Arab-Israeli War was mediated with the participation of the UN Security Council, which appointed a mediator, to be assisted by military observers. As a result, the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) was formed to monitor the Armistice Agreement between Israel and its Arab neighbors.







In the 1950s, the UNEF I, the first armed UN peacekeeping force, helped curtail the Suez Crisis of 1956, while the Lebanon political crisis of 1958 was mediated with the aid of the United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon (UNOGIL). In the subsequent decade, the geography of UN peacekeeping missions expanded dramatically, with the Blue Helmets being employed to monitor and observe peace processes in Congo (1960-64); West New Guinea (1962-63); Yemen (1963-64); Cyprus (1964-present); Dominican Republic (1965-66); India and Pakistan (1965-66).


"Since 1948, the UN has helped to end some conflicts, and at the same time has tried to make some kind of reconciliation between different countries," said Dr. Ismael Buchanan, senior lecturer at the Department of Political Science and International Relations, School of Governance, University of Rwanda. "Take the example of Guatemala. Take the example of Namibia, Cambodia, Liberia, and Ivory Coast. But of course, we cannot say that it has 100% success, but at least it has provided what we can call basic security guarantees in response to a crisis by, of course, trying to support a political transition in some countries."


Still, almost three decades later, violent clashes and massacres in the Balkans and Rwanda, which the international community failed to prevent, became a wakeup call for the UN.


In September 1999, then-UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan posed the question as to how the international community should respond to gross and systematic violations of human rights, "if humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty." In 2001, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) formulated a concept called the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P). The concept, which was adopted by the international body in 2005, stated that the primary responsibility for the protection of its people rested first and foremost with the state itself, while a "residual responsibility" lied with the broader community of states and would come into force "when a particular state is clearly either unwilling or unable to fulfill its responsibility to protect or is itself the actual perpetrator of crimes or atrocities."







What's Behind UN's Failures?



Still, despite the shift of the paradigm, the problems pertaining to UN peacekeeping missions' inability to solve regional crises once and for all has persisted.


"The challenges that peacekeepers face have evolved from relatively straightforward missions, especially, to different assignments that [have been] highly complex and sometimes impossible to accomplish," said Buchanan. "That is something I can say, that the missions are somehow highly risky and sometimes impossible to accomplish."


The presence of peacekeepers in regions engulfed by violent extremism – most notably in sub-Saharan Africa – is even more problematic, as it requires both protection and stabilization. These missions are considered the most dangerous and difficult ones that peacekeepers have had to deal with. First, the Blue Helmets are not warfighters; second, terrorists are often indistinguishable from noncombatants.


"Sometimes they go to an area, a conflict zone, to look for peace. But they have these difficulties of non-intervention, because they are not warfighters, but peacekeepers," Buchanan stressed.







Furthermore, peacekeepers have neither the resources nor the experience to fight local terrorist entities, some of which are affiliated with international terrorist groups like al-Qaeda* and Daesh*. In some cases – for instance in Somalia – local authorities are incapable of maintaining control over the territory of a war-torn state, creating further obstacles in the way of peacekeeping initiatives.


FILE---In this file photo of Thursday, Feb.17, 2011, Hundreds of newly trained Shabaab fighters perform military exercises in the Lafofe area some 18 km south of Mogadishu, Somalia
©AP Photo / Farah Abdi Warsameh


"UN missions are deployed in the context of 'failed states,' where leadership is lacking (even) minimum legitimacy, unclear or absence of a well-defined foreign policy and rules of engagement with stakeholders and partners, uncoordinated measures of peace-building initiatives, absence of the state’s power at the grassroots where UN missions are supposed to be established. It is a context of the state's authority vacuum," noted Ndushabandi.


In some instances, UN peacekeepers themselves do not adhere to the body's principle, which shatters trust in their missions' cause among local populations. Sometimes, they violate the body's neutrality concept, running the risk of intensifying regional strife. For instance, in his op-ed, Ambassador Jett cited at least two instances when the Blue Helmets "took sides": in the Congo in 1960 and Somalia in the early 1990s. As a result, UN personnel were drawn into the fighting, with hundreds of them killed.


"Protecting civilians means to support the state's efforts in bilateral agreements and rules of engagement in each state," argued Ndushabandi. "The UN will always be accused by one and another of being partial. In the case of multilateralism, the UN peace mission is still facing unstable regional organizations, unprepared regional bodies to engage with UN missions, and unarticulated conflicts of interests of member states and contributors."






A separate troublesome issue is sexual abuse accusations leveled against some Blue Helmet operatives. Thus, for example, in the spring of 2014, allegations were raised that UN peacekeepers had sexually abused a number of young children in a central African country in exchange for food or money. In 2020, a UN report on special measures for protection from sexual abuse revealed that the total number of complaints of sexual exploitation allegedly involving peacekeepers amounted to 387 in just one year.


A separate troublesome issue is sexual abuse accusations leveled against some Blue Helmet operatives. Thus, for example, in the spring of 2014, allegations were raised that UN peacekeepers had sexually abused a number of young children in a central African country in exchange for food or money. In 2020, a UN report on special measures for protection from sexual abuse revealed that the total number of complaints of sexual exploitation allegedly involving peacekeepers amounted to 387 in just one year.



Why UN's Action for Peacekeeping Appears Flawed



In a bid to bolster the body's efficiency and renew its "political commitment," Secretary-General António Guterres came up with the Action for Peacekeeping (A4P) initiative in 2018. Calling the Blue Helmets one of the "most effective tools available to the United Nations in the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security," the UN leadership admitted that "peacekeeping faces several challenges that undermine its ability to deliver on its mandates." It particularly referred to the absence of "political solutions," lack of focus and clear priorities; lack of personnel and equipment to tackle complex threats; and "challenges in delivering on protection mandates and in contributing to long-term, sustainable peace."







While the new A4P initiative was aimed at closing the gap, Russia drew attention to obvious controversies in the blueprint. In particular, Moscow's criticism of the body's Declaration of Shared Commitments was related to those provisions according to which there is a link between human rights efforts and the protection of civilians, and it was assumed that all necessary means for the protection of civilians would be used.


Two soldiers enter the Catholic church at the 10th RCAS army barracks in Kaya, Burkina Faso, Saturday, April 10, 2021
©AP Photo / Sophie Garcia


Vassily Nebenzia, Russia's permanent representative to the UN, noted that within the framework of any peacekeeping mission, priority should be given to cooperation between the mission and the government of the host country, rather than between the mission and the local population and civil society organizations in a peacekeeping mandate's implementation.


Observers believe that the aforementioned provisions could potentially open the door to the violation of peacekeepers' principles of neutrality, use of force in self-defense only, and set the stage for potential regime changes, which have become nothing short of a curse, when it comes to the Sahel and West Africa.






"The implementation of the A4P becomes problematic especially in terms of responding to the real needs of the practical part of the peacekeeping process," said Ndushabandi. "To be realistic means to respond to the expectations of citizens for survival (…) (The Blue Helmets) can’t be seen as 'great supporters' if the institutions and citizens to be supported are not yet coordinated under the same state’s institutions with political will to overcome the situation the UN came to change. The state which receives the UN mission needs to be strongly supported to re-establish the minimum legitimacy with (at least) minimum adherence of all citizens to the vision to be implemented. A nation-building process which supposes making peace with the great number of people involved instead of a peace accord between elites."


According to the scholar, the UN mission should support governments in the first place and help the authorities "produce their own political solutions to problems," while aiding in forming "well-structured, well-equipped, well-trained" local forces. If the UN wants to provide equal support to both the nation's government and local institutions, it should ensure that civil society does not pursue any violent agenda, he noted.


"Otherwise, the UN troops can’t be safe and secure, they will be seen as complacent actors, this is the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)," Ndushabandi remarked. "These (UN) troops are not yet well-prepared, they are loyal to their own safety as individuals, comforts, and interests. They are loyal to their governments with divergent interests. What is lacking is loyalty to UN values, principles of responsibility to protect, which includes sacrifice."



How Effective is the Blue Helmets' Mission in Africa?



The UN mission in Africa has prompted a lot of controversy. In some cases, local governments have grown disenchanted with the Blue Helmets and invited military instructors from other countries. The Central African Republic (CAR) subjected the UN peacekeeping mission to criticism for failing to curb hostilities in the state and turned to Russia in 2017.







In 2020, the Russian Foreign Ministry announced that an additional 300 military instructors had been dispatched to train CAR national army servicemen in response to a request from the country's authorities for aid in repelling illegal militants. In April 2022, CAR Ambassador to Russia Leon Dodonou-Pounagaza said that the nation is interested in stepping up the number of Russian military trainers in the region.


"(UN peacekeeping) has real difficulties and challenges to some complex missions," Buchanan said. "Look at, for example, Mali, DRC, CAR – they are still maintaining those areas. Look at what is going on in the DRC today in different areas. At the same time, most of the challenges they are facing, if you look at illicit networking, if you look at terrorism, if you look at the political transition situation in different African countries, UN peacekeeping missions are still saving lives and preventing the spread of violence. So, whatever little we can call it, whatever little action they are doing, at least they are still preventing, and some of them are losing their lives just to protect other African people. Therefore, we cannot say that UN peacekeeping doesn't have an effect or that it is irrelevant."


At the same time, the UN should work in concert with the African Union and other regional blocs, Buchanan noted. Only joint cooperation of regional and international players can help address a whole set of burning issues haunting Africa, the scholar insisted.


"We used to have the UN and United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), including the African Union mission, with troops from Chad, from all parts of Africa," Buchanan said. "So that kind of thing could solve some problems if they are partners in terms of dealing with the issues, but working as a standalone with peacekeeping with a UN mandate, with the African Union (having) its own mandate, without this kind of correlation and working together, I think they are not going to solve the problem of Africans. So that kind of partnership should be relevant and kind of make sense in dealing with peace and security in Africa and other parts of the world."

Anaknya Masuk Sekolah Gratis tapi Ditagih Rp 37 Juta saat Keluar, Orang Tua di Tasikmalaya Minta Perlindungan KPAID

Anaknya Masuk Sekolah Gratis tapi Ditagih Rp 37 Juta saat Keluar, Orang Tua di Tasikmalaya Minta Perlindungan KPAID

Anaknya Masuk Sekolah Gratis tapi Ditagih Rp 37 Juta saat Keluar, Orang Tua di Tasikmalaya Minta Perlindungan KPAID


Rizki Siti Nuraisyah saat mendatangi kantor Komisi Perlindungan Anak Daerah (KPAID) Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, hari Jumat, 04/11/2022. (Foto: Apip/HR Online)






Sebuah yayasan pendidikan di Bandung meminta orang tua siswa yang anaknya keluar dari sekolah sebelum lulus untuk membayar denda sebesar Rp 37 juta.







Orang tua yang diminta untuk membayar denda puluhan juta itu adalah Rizki Siti Nuraisyah yang merupakan Warga Desa Rajapolah, Kecamatan Rajapolah, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.


Rizki kemudian meminta bantuan pada Komisi Perlindungan Anak Daerah (KPAID) Kabupaten Tasikmalaya agar mereka bisa menjembatani komunikasi dengan pihak yayasan di Bandung.


Permasalahan ini bermula saat rizki mendapat informasi dari tetangganya bahwa ada sekolah gratis milik satu yayasan di Bandung. Ia kemudian memasukan anaknya ke sekolah gratis itu.


“Bilangnya sih gratis. Cuma jika keluar sekolah sebelum tamat belajar, maka akan ada denda. Cuma tidak bilang berapa besaran denda tersebut,” tuturnya, Jumat, 04/11/2022.







Sebelum keluar, ia mengatakan bahwa anaknya sudah 2 tahun sekolah di yayasan yang berada di Bandung tersebut.


Namun karena tidak betah mondok atau sekolah tersebut, membuat anaknya itu sampai sudah 3 kali kabur dari yayasan.


“Ya mungkin anak saya sudah tidak betah dan tidak mau mondok lagi. Bahkan terakhir kemarin kabur dari pondok untuk yang ketiga kalinya dan ketemu. Karena ada yang ngasih kabar, anak saya berada di rumah salah seorang warga,” katanya.


Mengetahui hal tersebut, Rizki pun langsung membawa pulang anaknya ke Tasikmalaya. Sebab menurutnya, jika dipaksa untuk kembali ke pondok tersebut, yang ia takutkan akan kabur lagi.







“Jadi tidak memaksa anak saya untuk tetap bertahan di pondok pesantren tersebut. Saya ingin anak saya tetap sekolah, tetapi di Tasikmalaya,” ucapnya.


Akan tetapi, sambungnya, saat akan keluar dari sekolah tersebut, pihak yayasan mengirim surat denda.


Rizki mengatakan, bahwa dalam surat tersebut, ia harus membayar denda dengan total sebesar Rp 37 juta. Rinciannya, Rp 50 ribu per hari selama 2 tahun atau dari pertama mondok.


Namun, saat ini yang ia fokuskan atau pikirkan adalah bukan membayar denda, melainkan anaknya bisa sekolah kembali di Tasikmalaya.







“Karena kasihan, karena setahun lagi mau ke SMP. Ya mudah-mudahan sekarang bisa masuk ke sekolah yang ada di Tasikmalaya,” ucapnya.


“Untuk itu, tujuan saya datang ke KPAID yaitu meminta tolong agar anak saya bisa sekolah kembali di Tasikmalaya. Soalnya untuk masa depan anak,” pungkasnya.


Sementara itu, Ketua KPAID Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, Ato Rinanto mengatakan, bahwa kedatangan Rizki ke kantornya itu, adalah untuk meminta bantuan.


Adapun permintaan bantuan yang pertama yaitu minta dikomunikasikan dengan pihak yayasan sekolah yang ada di Bandung tersebut.


“Dan yang kedua minta keringanan sanksi atau denda administratif sejumlah Rp 37 juta lebih kepada pihak yayasan,” singkatnya.


HR Online--jejaring Suara.com pun menghubungi pihak yayasan yang ada di Bandung tersebut, untuk mengkonfirmasi terkait orang tua siswa harus bayar Rp 37 juta karena anaknya keluar sekolah.







Akan tetapi, pihak yayasan yang dihubungi sampai berita ini tayang belum bisa menjelaskan.


“Mohon maaf kang, saya lagi nyetir dulu,” katanya sambil mengakhiri teleponnya.

American Boots on the Ground in Ukraine Risk Escalation, But Follow an Old US Playbook

American Boots on the Ground in Ukraine Risk Escalation, But Follow an Old US Playbook

American Boots on the Ground in Ukraine Risk Escalation, But Follow an Old US Playbook


©AP Photo / Stephen B. Morton






The United States has deployed a “small number” of troops in Ukraine, ostensibly to carry out inspections to make sure that the tens of billions of dollars in armaments shipped to the country aren’t pilfered by Kiev. Moscow has spent months warning of the dangers of sophisticated weaponry falling into the hands of arms dealers and criminal groups.







The deployment of US troops in Ukraine, supposedly to carry out an accounting of Western arms aid to Kiev, threatens to dramatically escalate Russia-NATO tensions, especially if Americans end up getting injured or killed in Russian air and missile strikes against Ukrainian weapons stores.


An AP report Monday citing a senior US defense official revealed that a “small number of US military forces” were inside Ukraine. In a press briefing Tuesday, Pentagon spokesman Pat Ryder confirmed that the US had “small teams” “comprised of Embassy personnel…conducting some inspections of security assistance delivery at a variety of locations,” and that this was “part of a broader effort of the US government to track US-provided capabilities and to prevent the illicit spread throughout Eastern Europe.” Ryder said the “Embassy personnel” were US military personnel assigned to the Embassy’s Defense Attaché office, not combat forces.


“In terms of personnel that are conducting these inspections, my understanding is they would be well far away from any type of frontline actions. We are relying on the Ukrainians to do that, we’re relying on other partners to do that,” Ryder said.



Why Now?



The deployment comes in the wake of reports that as little as “30 percent” of the estimated $27.5 billion in US military assistance to Ukraine has made it to the front lines, and admissions by US defense and intelligence officials that Washington has no clue where the aid is actually going.







Last week, Finnish law enforcement reported that weapons sent to Ukraine had found their way into the hands of motorcycle gangs and other criminal groups across Northern Europe, Denmark, and the Netherlands. This summer, Interpol chief Juergen Stock warned that “the high availability of weapons” in Ukraine would “result in the proliferation in illicit arms in the post-conflict phase.”



What’s the Danger of US Boots on the Ground ?



A handful of defense observers and media outlets (but predictably, none in the mainstream) have sounded the alarm about the dangers of US troops wandering around in a conflict zone inspecting weapons caches which Russia has slated for destruction.


Former Trump Pentagon advisor Douglas Macgregor has expressed serious concerns about the prospect of US boots on the ground.


“(There is) this strange announcement that we’re suddenly sending after eight months of no accountability a few hundred soldiers under a brigadier general of somehow or another tracking all of the equipment that’s been sent. We already know that large quantities of the equipment has been sold off to others around the world including ISIS.* What is this really all about? We’ve been at this for eight months, we’ve spent $65 billion and now suddenly we’re worrying about accountability? This is beginning to look a little like an advance party for this very dangerous proposition that a ‘multinational coalition of the willing,’ a force of perhaps 50-60-70-80 thousand Western troops will eventually go into Western Ukraine. This was floated as you know a couple of weeks ago by retired General (David) Petraeus,” Macgregor warned.


“Now if you’re interested in coming to some sort of arrangements with Moscow, first of all, don’t put together a multinational force to intervene, because the Russians have already said if you do this, we’ll destroy it, effectively. So if we go in there, we’re going to be at war with Russia,” MacGregor stressed.


On Thursday, 19FortyFive contributor Jack Buckby pointed out that the troops have created a dangerous grey area in the Ukrainian crisis. “It’s unclear what could happen if US soldiers are killed by a Russian strike, but it could be considered an attack on NATO. An attack on NATO could trigger a military response from NATO countries, which could in turn translate into a full global conflict with Russia.


That being said, the United States has probably already prepared for this eventuality. If it is an intentional strike on US soldiers, therefore, it could spell trouble for Russia,” Buckby wrote. It’s not clear how the US would determine whether a Russian strike was “intentional” or not, or precisely what kind of “trouble” such an outcome would lead to, given that Washington continues to maintain publicly it’s not even a party to the Ukraine conflict.



Tried and Tested Strategy



The US strategy of deploying troops to a conflict zone in a bid to solidify their allies’ is nothing new, and constitutes a risky strategy of escalation that goes back to the Cold War, when Washington and Moscow would often place troops in allied nations and client states to signal to one another that any attack on these countries would constitute an attack on the US or the USSR.


The US took this strategy to a new level in Syria over the past five years, stationing about eight hundred troops in the war-torn Middle Eastern nation’s oil-rich northeastern territories and threatening a crushing response to any Syrian Army attempts to free its territories. The strategy has allowed Washington’s Kurdish "Syrian Democratic Forces" allies to control of over 90 percent of Syria’s oil riches, as well as wide swathes of the country’s most fertile agricultural lands, and to illegally export these resources abroad. This strategy has enabled the US to effectively starve Damascus and undermine its efforts to rebuild from the foreign-backed conflict fomented a decade ago, prompting Russia and Iran to provide the ordinarily energy- and food-self-sufficient nation with emergency food and energy aid.

Friday, 4 November 2022

Pelajar di Bogor Pergi Sekolah Bawa-bawa Golok dan Samurai, Ketahuan Polisi Langsung Diciduk

Pelajar di Bogor Pergi Sekolah Bawa-bawa Golok dan Samurai, Ketahuan Polisi Langsung Diciduk

Pelajar di Bogor Pergi Sekolah Bawa-bawa Golok dan Samurai, Ketahuan Polisi Langsung Diciduk


illustrasi






Polsek Cibinong Resor Bogor, mengamankan dua orang pelajar di Bogor yang hendak melakukan aksi tawuran di Jalan Raya Cikaret, Kelurahan Pabuaran, Kecamatan Cibinong, Kabupaten Bogor.







Kanit Reskrim Polsek Cibinong, AKP Yunli Pangestu mengungkapkan, penangkapan dilakukan pada hari Kamis petang, 03/11/2022, di mana dua orang yang diamankan membawa senjata tajam jenis golok dan pedang.


“Penangkapannya pelajar di Bogor sendiri Kamis sore, diduga hendak melakukan tawuran dengan pelajar dari sekolah lain. Barang buktinya golok dan pedang,” kata Yunli, hari Jumat, 04/11/2022.


Para pelaku yakni DA (14) pelajar kelas 7 SMP dan TF (15) pelajar kelas 9 SMP. Saat ini, keduanya masih dalam pemeriksaan di Polsek Cibinong.


“Iya masih diperiksa, sambil nunggu pihak sekolag kita periksa juga,” jelas Yunli.

Russia Assessed as Most Enduring Partner by Indian Youth, Far Above US: Foreign Policy Survey

Russia Assessed as Most Enduring Partner by Indian Youth, Far Above US: Foreign Policy Survey

Russia Assessed as Most Enduring Partner by Indian Youth, Far Above US: Foreign Policy Survey


©Photo : wtcmoscow.ru






Despite the concerns of the US and some European countries, New Delhi declined to follow sanctions imposed by the West against Russia in response to Moscow’s special military operation in Ukraine. This has evoked praise from Russian President Vladimir Putin, who described Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a "great patriot."







Almost half of India's youth consider Russia to be the most reliable partner over the last 75 years, a foreign policy survey conducted by the ORF, India's most influential think tank, has suggested.


“The respondents named Russia as India’s most reliable partner since Independence (43 percent); the United States followed with 27 percent,” the ORF Foreign Policy Survey 2022: India @75 and the World said.


As per the survey, 66 percent of government officials had faith in Russia, describing Moscow as India’s most trusted partner.


Support for Russia increased with higher education: from 23 percent among those with primary education, to 53 percent of post-graduate respondents, the survey revealed.







Disaggregated by income, the positive view of Russia increased from 37 percent among those earning less than INR 10,000 ($121) per month, to 64 percent in those earning more than INR 80,000 ($970).


The Narendra Modi government has received massive support from urban youth on its foreign policy at a time of unprecedented geopolitical churning, as New Delhi has had to navigate its ties with Moscow skillfully.


“Urban Indian youth rated the country’s foreign policy positively: 25 percent graded it very good, and 52 percent, good. This is an increase from the 2021 survey report where 32 percent said it was very good, and 40 percent rated it good,” the survey said.


India’s urban youth chose the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) as the most beneficial for India’s pursuit of its global goals (26 percent).


The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad)—a grouping of the US, India, Japan, and Australia, trailed at a distant second, with 12 percent of respondents choosing it over other platforms.

Rusia Perlakukan Orang Ukraina Dengan Hormat, Kata Presiden Putin

Rusia Perlakukan Orang Ukraina Dengan Hormat, Kata Presiden Putin

Rusia Perlakukan Orang Ukraina Dengan Hormat, Kata Presiden Putin


Putin mengatakan dia 'sangat menghormati' rakyat dan budaya Ukraina pada hari jumat.








"Anda tahu ini dengan baik. Kami selalu memperlakukan dan memperlakukan orang-orang Ukraina dengan hormat dan hangat. Beginilah dulu dan sekarang, terlepas dari konfrontasi tragis hari ini," katanya pada pertemuan pada peringatan sepuluh tahun pembentukan masyarakat sejarah dan militer-historis Rusia.







"Kami selalu, dan bahkan hari ini, terlepas dari tragedi saat ini, sangat menghormati rakyat Ukraina, budaya Ukraina, bahasa, sastra, dan sebagainya," kata Putin saat berbicara pada upacara penghargaan untuk guru.


Tapi, lanjut Putin, Rusia tidak bisa membiarkan apa yang terjadi di Ukraina pada budaya Rusia dan bahasa Rusia, menurut video sambutannya yang dibagikan oleh Ukraine World. Putin juga menyinggung tentang Ukraina melakukan genosida terhadap etnis Rusia.


Presiden Rusia Vladimir Putin mengatakan pada hari Jumat bahwa penting untuk mengevakuasi penduduk Kherson dari daerah yang paling berbahaya.


"Sekarang, tentu saja, perlu untuk merelokasi mereka yang tinggal di Kherson dari zona paling berbahaya karena warga sipil tidak boleh menderita pemboman, dari beberapa tindakan ofensif, counter-ofensif, dan tindakan lain yang terkait dengan kegiatan militer," kata kepala negara.







Pemimpin Rusia itu meletakkan bunga bersama dengan para peserta dalam organisasi pemuda dan sukarelawan di monumen Kuzma Minin dan Dmitry Pozharsky di Lapangan Merah Moskow sebelumnya pada hari Jumat pada Hari Persatuan Rusia yang dirayakan pada tanggal 4 November dan berbicara dengan orang-orang muda.


Presiden Rusia meletakkan bunga di monumen Kuzma Minin dan Dmitry Pozharsky, yang dibuka setelah rekonstruksi di Lapangan Merah Moskow, pada Hari Persatuan Rusia pada hari Jumat.


Presiden mengatakan sebelumnya bahwa pada awal abad ke-17 negara itu di ambang kehilangan kedaulatannya, tetapi orang-orang Rusia tidak mengizinkan ini, dan, setelah bersatu dalam pasukan milisi yang dipimpin oleh Minin dan Pozharsky, mempertahankan tanah air mereka.



Hari Persatuan Nasional



Hari Persatuan Nasional adalah salah satu hari libur nasional termuda di Rusia. Didirikan pada tahun 2005, menggantikan Hari Kesepakatan dan Rekonsiliasi, yang telah diperingati pada tanggal 7 November sejak tahun 1996.







Hari Persatuan memperingati peristiwa 1612, ketika tentara milisi yang dipimpin oleh pedagang Kuzma Minin dan Pangeran Dmitry Pozharsky membebaskan Moskow dari penjajah Polandia.



Mobilisasi



Masuknya sukarelawan yang bersedia bergabung dengan Angkatan Bersenjata Rusia tidak berhenti dan jumlah cadangan yang dimobilisasi telah mencapai 318.000 orang, kata Presiden saat berbicara dengan sukarelawan pada hari Jumat.


"Kami sudah 318.000 (orang yang dimobilisasi). Mengapa kami memiliki angka 318.000 ini? Ini karena sukarelawan bergabung dengan barisan. Jumlah sukarelawan tidak berhenti," kata kepala negara.







Seperti yang dijelaskan pemimpin Rusia, dari jumlah ini, 49.000 orang telah bergabung dengan pasukan dan sedang menyelesaikan misi tempur sementara sisanya masih menjalani pelatihan.


Presiden Rusia mengatakan bahwa semua pria yang dimobilisasi memiliki keluarga, orang tua, istri, dan anak-anak mereka. "Tentu negara melakukan segalanya untuk mendukung mereka. Tapi kalau dari hati ke hati, ini dukungan yang paling penting. Ini yang paling bisa diandalkan dan efektif," kata kepala negara sambil memuji para relawan atas bantuannya kepada keluarga orang-orang yang dimobilisasi.