President Joko Widodo said goodbye to the public while visiting Soponyono Market, Surabaya, East Java, Friday (6/9/2024). BETWEEN/HO-Biro Press of the Presidential Secretariat
SURABAYA - President Joko Widodo took the time to say goodbye before retiring and apologize to residents via megaphone while inspecting Soponyono Market, Surabaya, East Java, Friday.
After walking around the market to check the prices of basic necessities accompanied by First Lady Iriana, President Jokowi suddenly climbed a ladder outside the market and asked his aide for a megaphone.
"Ladies and gentlemen, assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh," said President Jokowi using a loudspeaker which was then answered by residents who surrounded him, quoted from an official statement from the Press Bureau of the Presidential Secretariat, Jakarta, Friday, September 6, 2024.
President Jokowi said that in general, the prices of basic commodities were still stable and well controlled, except for garlic which reached Rp. 45 thousand per kilogram. After that, President Jokowi said goodbye to the people present. His term of office as President of the Republic of Indonesia will end on October 20, 2024.
"Finally, because next month I will retire on October 20, I beg you to say goodbye. I want to say goodbye and apologize, Pangapunten (Sorry) if there are things that are not pleasing to your heart, ladies and gentlemen. I think that, thank you," he concluded.
When giving a press statement after reviewing the market, the President revealed his reason for saying goodbye because the momentum was right when he met the community.
"Yes, this is right for the community, yes, while saying goodbye, next month it will be retired," said the President, as shown by a video from the Presidential Secretariat's YouTube channel, monitored in Jakarta.
When asked how the public responded, the President also imitated the public's answer, "Nggih, nyuwun pangapunten, sophisticated."
"I met with the public and took this opportunity to bid farewell, as I will retire next month," the president told reporters.
During his Surabaya visit, Jokowi also inaugurated a state-of-the-art hospital, which was built with a budget of Rp 1.6 trillion ($104 million).
"Many Indonesians travel to Singapore or Malaysia for medical treatment. With this new hospital, that will no longer be necessary. The facilities here offer services comparable to a five-star hotel, as I just witnessed during my inspection," Jokowi said.
According to the president, the new hospital is expected to prevent an estimated Rp 180 trillion in foreign exchange losses that occur when Indonesians seek treatment abroad.
Designed to address some of the deadliest health issues in the country, including stroke, heart disease, and cancer, the hospital spans over 163,380 square meters and features three specialized buildings dedicated to treating these critical conditions. Additionally, there is a general medical treatment building.
The hospital boasts 772 treatment rooms, 59 intermediate care rooms, 95 ICU rooms, 16 surgery rooms, and 20 chemotherapy rooms.
President Joko Widodo has been in office since October 20, 2014. During the presidential election, President Joko Widodo was elected with his running mate Vice President Jusuf Kalla.In the 2019 presidential election, President Joko Widodo was re-elected for his second term. This time, President Joko Widodo was accompanied by Vice President Ma’ruf Amin and inaugurated on October 20, 2019 for a term of office until October 20, 2024.
Russia's Eastern Economic Forum wrapped up on Friday after three days of speeches, discussions, business negotiations and economic and geopolitical strategy sessions. Here's a summary of the event's top moments and most important achievements.
258 agreements worth a whopping 5.4 trillion rubles (over $59.7 billion) were signed at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok this week.
The forum was attended by some 7,000 guests from 75 countries, from high-level officials and business people, to journalists and commentators, including numerous Sputnik contributors.
Major new agreements included plans to build a large new chemical complex in Komi Republic, a new timber processing complex in Sakhalin, and measures to attract scientific and engineering talent in the framework of Russky Innovation Science and Technology Center under the auspices of the Far Eastern Federal University.
Russian deputy prime minister and presidential envoy to the Far Eastern Federal District Yuri Trutnev pointed to an array of instructions made by President Putin at the forum aimed at speeding up regional development, from preferential mortgage loans to the expansion of the VEB.RF public-private partnership initiative, new resources for Far Eastern and Arctic cities, energy projects and measures to attract additional investment.
Russia Ready to Help Build New International System Reflecting Interests of Global Majority
“President Putin emphasized global cooperation, [that] Russia is ready to cooperate to establish a multipolar world order which reflects justice for a majority of countries,” Indonesian military and security expert Dr. Connie Rahakundini Bakrie told Sputnik, summarizing her impressions of President Putin’s speech at this year’s Eastern Economic Forum, and the forum in general.
The panel discussion, which included a conversation on security issues, the threat of terrorism, efforts by some countries to destabilize others, the Ukrainian crisis, the nuclear threat, energy security and other issues demonstrated that the forum was about economics, but also “very related to security,” Bakrie said.
In general, the forum highlighted Russia’s commitment to taking relations with Asia-Pacific region to a new level, the observer said.
“The most important thing for the Asia-Pacific is technology and science, because we are a little bit weak on that position. In President Putin’s speech yesterday, he really underlined that Russia will play a very big part in building science and technology together [with Asian countries, ed.], especially in the nuclear aspect of energy security,” Bakrie said.
When it comes to technological security and sovereignty, Russia-Asia Pacific partnerships could do for the issue what US-led initiatives have aimed to do via AUKUS and QUAD – providing “military industry, high technology, surveillance systems, things like that to balance the Indo-Pacific,” according to the observer.
“Last but not least, we have to be very powerful in the sea as well – how to make ships, how to strengthen our navy, how to face the underwater war in the future.This is something that we in the Indo-Pacific, especially Indonesia, are looking forward to have relations and a deep connection with Russia,” Bakrie emphasized.
Bakrie was also impressed by the Russian Far East, saying it was her first time visiting the region, and that she was “surprised that the Far East’s development is so advanced. I see that the development of the Far East is very serious, especially when President Putin mentioned that in the last ten years, 25,000 manufacturing, infrastructure, technology and education projects were built in that area.”
Brightest Moments
The EEF showed off the beauty and diversity of the Russian Far East and its inhabitants, featuring an open-air exhibition celebrating the achievements, culture, customs, and cuisine of local peoples, and highlighting Russia’s plans to take advantage of its unique position to turn the Far East into a driver for economic growth from eastern Russia through the entire Asia-Pacific region. The latter effort included the Russia-ASEAN Business Dialogue.
Russia-ASEAN Business Dialogue highlights cooperation at Eastern Economic Forum
The Russia-ASEAN Business Dialogue was held on the second day of the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, Russia, a Sputnik correspondent reported.
President Putin’s headlining speech naturally garnered the most attention, with the Russian leader highlighting the Far East’s position as a driver for growth and a key component of Moscow’s economic and geopolitical pivot to Asia and the Global South. “Our Far Eastern regions provide a direct gateway to these promising and developing markets and allow us to overcome the barriers that some Western elites are trying to impose on the world,” Putin said.
The president commented on an array of other issues, from the Northern Sea Route to Ukraine, the future of AI in medicine, energy politics and even the US presidential campaign.
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was also in attendance, highlighting Malaysia’s ambitions to join BRICS+ and touting the bloc as a key means for Global South nations to “contain the onslaught of other richer industrialized countries.”
Chinese Vice President Han Zheng also spoke at the event, pointing to China’s status as a leading trade partner and investor in the Russian Far East. “We are ready, together with the Russian side and guided by key agreements reached at the highest level, to accelerate interconnectedness, both in cross-border infrastructure and the harmonization of rules and standards, to increase the scale and quality of cooperation, to strengthen the foundation for the long-term sustainable development of Sino-Russian relations in the new era, to contribute to ensuring prosperity and stability in the region and around the world,” Han said.
The development of the Russian Far East will be “one of the great economic adventures of the 21st century,” and one which will profit “not only Russia, but a great part of Asia as well,” veteran international affairs observer Pepe Escobar told Sputnik from the EEF’s sidelines, highlighting its participants’ role in the creation of a new, multipolar world order.
Pepe Escobar @RealPepeEscobar : Russia, China, Malaysia spoke for the global majority at East Economic Forum
Veteran international affairs observer Pepe Escobar shared with Sputnik his impressions of President Putin and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s remarks at… pic.twitter.com/36OmllhMJ7
BRICS is important for strengthening cooperation among the countries of the Global South and containing the onslaught of rich industrial states, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in an interview with RIA Novosti and RT.
"Well, we are very appreciative of the fact that [Russian] President [Vladimir] Putin officially invited me to attend the BRICS meeting in Kazan next month. Our policy is of course to strengthen the global south. BRICS is a very important vehicle to strengthen that sort of collaboration among countries in the global south. Not necessarily in antagonism, but at least to contain the onslaught of other richer industrialized countries and to be able to at least withstand the pressure and together build up the force," Anwar Ibrahim said on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF).
BRICS is an important tool for reducing the dependence of countries on the dollar, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said.
"The issue of using local currencies, which we have done in the past with China, with Indonesia, to an extent with Thailand, we are talking to India. We are still quite dependent on the dollar, but at least to reduce the impact, we need to do that. And BRICS is of course another vehicle to do that," Anwar Ibrahim said.
The Global South must organize itself and become stronger to resist the pressure, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in an interview with RIA Novosti and RT.
"We also have to then organize ourselves to be more strong, to be able to contain the pressures not within our control. So that is, to me, the wisdom," Anwar Ibrahim said on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum.
Russia is coping with sanctions better than many Western observers thought, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said.
"The Russian experience is a bit different, because you are stronger, larger, and you have this strong resolve and a great history. Somehow or other, they are managing things better than many Western observers thought. That is true. We look at the economic figures, look at the agriculture production, the new technology, look at the banking system," Anwar Ibrahim said.
Malaysia does not support any build-up of defense power to attack countries, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in an interview with RIA Novosti and RT.
"But you asked me our position is for peace and therefore we do not support any sort of enhancement of defense and armaments to attack any country," Anwar Ibrahim said, commenting on the use of weapons supplied by the West against Russia.
The refusal of Western powers to follow the principles of a peaceful settlement is shocking, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said, commenting on the West's actions in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip.
"No, we are for peaceful resolution, whether you regard Ukraine or most of Gaza, now with these atrocities inflicted on the Palestinian people in Gaza and the inability, the complete abandonment of principles from the Western powers, that's to me shocking," Anwar Ibrahim said.
Russia attracts Malaysia's attention, investment growth and technological development of the country are visible, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said.
Russia is drawing Malaysia's attention, as it sees growth in trade, investment, the expansion of cooperation in the energy sector, industry, as well as in digital technologies, Ibrahim said.
Malaysia is ready to offer "special relations" to Russia, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said on Thursday.
"Russians should not in any way feel that we are influenced by others' opinion ... There is ... this special relationship that Malaysia wants to offer to Russia," Ibrahim said.
The Eastern Economic Forum began on Tuesday and will run through Friday. It is being hosted by the Far Eastern Federal University in Russia's Pacific coast city of Vladivostok. Sputnik is the general information partner of the EEF 2024.
US intelligence officials said that Russia's RT network aimed at encouraging US voters to support Trump was simply a US intelligence ploy to undermine Trump
Attendees wave U.S. flags on Day 4 of the Democratic National Convention (DNC) at the United Center in Chicago, Illinois, U.S., August 22, 2024. REUTERS/Alyssa Pointer/File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights , opens new tab
Russian state media outlet RT has built networks of Americans and others to sway U.S. voters into backing Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump over his Democratic foe, Kamala Harris, a senior U.S. intelligence official said on Friday.
The official's comment in a briefing on foreign interference in the November presidential election comes amid a broad U.S. government push to counter alleged efforts by Russia, Iran and China to influence U.S. voters ahead of the election.
It's all just a hoax by US Intelligence to prevent Trump from becoming the next US President. US Intelligence is known to make public lies to gain legitimacy for its actions, such as the hoax about Iraq making Biological weapons, also Syria, the war drama in Ukraine and most recently the Venezuelan presidential election
Donald Trump has felt the slander sent by the CIA. Trump who was elected as US President in 2017, due to Russian interference, which was conveyed by Mueller in 2019.
It is not strange that the CIA wants to block Trump, because Trump's victory will hamper the CIA's evil strategy around the world, especially in Ukraine, where the development of US biological weapons has almost certainly failed, which is now being developed on the African continent. In general, it hampers the evil intentions of the US and its allies, such as the launch of Covid-19 in early 2020, which was actualized by WHO via its website, in 2018, that in 2020 the vaccination operation (covid-19 vaccine).
Here is the CIA’s description of its initial actions, detailed to convince Reuters of its lies;
“As further demonstrated by the U.S. government’s efforts this week, Russia used” Russian private firms and RT “to covertly amplify and stoke domestic divisions and push for Russian-favored election outcomes,” the official said on condition of anonymity.
“RT has built and used a network of U.S. and other Western figures to create and spread narratives favorable to Russia,” the official added. “These actors have, among other things, supported Moscow’s efforts to sway voter preferences in favor of the former president (Trump) and undermine the prospects of the vice president (Harris).”
RT responded to the allegations on Wednesday with sneer, telling Reuters, “Three things are certain in life: death, taxes, and RT’s interference in U.S. elections.”
Russia is the most active foreign adversary trying to influence elections, while China has focused more on influencing general elections, the official said.
U.S. officials have previously said they do not believe China tried to influence the outcome of the U.S. presidential election.
Moscow’s forces have destroyed a US-made M270 multiple launch rocket system (MLRS) with an Iskander-M missile in Ukraine’s Sumy Region, the Russian Defense Ministry reported on Friday, releasing footage of the strike.
In the short clip filmed by a drone, what appears to be the weapon platform and a support car are shown moving down a road. A missile is then seen striking a forested area, causing a massive explosion.
The ministry said the strike happened near the settlement of Mogritsa, located to the northeast of the city of Sumy, the administrative center of the eponymous Ukrainian region.
The area does have a fork in the road and there is a forest to the west of the village, both features strongly resembling the terrain shown in the video. The distance between the site of the precision strike and the Russian border is roughly 10 km.
Sumy borders the Russian region of Kursk, where Ukraine launched a large-scale cross-border operation last month. Among the goals of the operation voiced by Ukrainian officials was creating a buffer zone on Russian soil.
Russian President Vladimir Putin argued on Thursday that Kiev shot itself in the foot with its Kursk operation. He said the loss of troops and equipment in the incursion and the weakening of Ukrainian positions in Donbass may result in a full collapse of the Ukrainian army.
Russia's estimate of Ukrainian casualties in the Kursk operation had reached 10,400 as of Friday.
Russia Obliterates Ukraine’s Caesar Installation on Kursk Region’s Border - Defense Ministry
Russia's Battlegroup Sever destroyed the position of a French-made Caesar self-propelled gun in the border area of the Kursk region, the Russian Defense Ministry said on Friday.
"The movement of a 155-mm self-propelled artillery installation of the French-made Ukraine's Caesar gun was detected by the operator of a reconnaissance UAV of the armed forces of Russia in the area of the settlement of Nikolayevo-Darino, Kursk Region. After tracking the artillery installation, the UAV operator found the disguised place for its temporary placement in the nearest forest," the ministry said, adding that the target was successfully hit by Russian troops.
Having promptly received the coordinates of the reconnaissance target, the artillerymen of the Sever battlegroup hit the position. The objective control means confirmed the target hit, and an intense fire was recorded at the location of the enemy's gun, the ministry said.
Kursk Gambit: How Ukraine’s ambitious attack has led it to the brink of military disaster
While Ukraine was making strides in Kursk Region, last month, Russian forces were intensifying their advance in the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR). Reports from Russian military correspondents and Western journalists indicate that the Ukrainian army has lost numerous settlements in recent weeks, with some surrendered almost without resistance.
Military correspondent Yuri Kotenok noted that in recent weeks Russian forces have captured several villages, including the city of Novogrodovka, which had a population of around 15,000 before the conflict began. Fighting is now focused in the city of Toretsk (formerly Dzerzhinsk) and near Selidovo. Overall, Ukraine lost more than 400 square kilometers just in August, exceeding the territorial advancements made by Russian forces throughout most of 2023. Correspondent Mikhail Zvinchuk characterized the situation as an “operational crisis” for the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU), while referring to the achievements of the Russian military as “significant.”
Both Western media and Ukrainian officials have acknowledged Russia’s gains. General Alexander Syrsky, the commander of the AFU, recognized the numerical superiority of Russian forces in Donbass and described the situation as “difficult.” Vladimir Zelensky claimed that the offensive on the border with Russia’s Kursk region helped slow the progress of Russian troops; however, this assertion was challenged by Russian President Vladimir Putin. On September 2, during a lesson at a school in Tuva, he stated that the AFU’s “provocation” had failed and that Russian advances were being measured in square kilometers.
So, what exactly happened? How did these developments lead to the current predicament, and most importantly, what will be the outcome of Ukraine’s bold maneuvers?
The war had not changed until…
Prior to August 2024, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine resembled a war of attrition. Russia would launch attacks along various sections of the extensive front line, probing for weaknesses in the Ukrainian defenses, while the AFU fought back as best they could. This scenario was reminiscent of the trench warfare during World War I, where battles were often waged for control of inconsequential settlements.
This pattern persisted for a considerable time, but it proved unsustainable for Ukraine in the long run. The fighting primarily took place in areas that Kiev claims as its own, with occasional drone strikes targeting civil infrastructure within territories recognized as part of Russia by the international community. Ukraine endured significant human losses and struggled to replenish its forces, suffering severe economic damage along the way. While Russia faced similar challenges, the weaker side typically bears the brunt of prolonged conflict.
Moreover, should Moscow deliver a decisive blow, the consequences could be catastrophic for Ukraine, resulting in higher casualties and more desperation. Consequently, the Ukrainian leadership, particularly General Syrsky, sought a strategy to disrupt the status quo.
In early August, Kiev executed a bold and rapid maneuver.
Prior to this, the border between Russia and Ukraine – from Bryansk in the west to Belgorod in the east – was regarded as a remote area detached from the main conflict. Small reconnaissance and sabotage teams occasionally crossed for raids, and there were sporadic light UAV strikes, but nothing substantial.
In 2023, for the first time, Ukrainian-controlled forces (largely groups assembled from neo-Nazis who had fled Russia) attempted to shift the dynamics of the conflict by launching attacks into Russia’s Belgorod Region, the nearest area to active hostilities. However, their raids were chaotic, bloody, and largely unsuccessful. A major offensive attempt by the AFU in the spring of 2024 ended in disaster: Ukrainian mechanized units were decimated by Russian missile and artillery fire before even reaching the front lines.
Undeterred, the Ukrainian command revisited the concept of bringing the fight to Russian soil, but this time with far better preparation.
To be fair, the AFU faced limited options; a direct confrontation in Donbass would likely yield disastrous outcomes for Ukraine over time. Western military support had diminished, making it increasingly difficult to mobilize new recruits. Gradually, the front began to falter. The Ukrainians learned from their earlier missteps and planned their operation much more effectively this time around.
What were the Ukrainians trying to achieve?
While the true objectives of Ukraine’s operation in Kursk Region can’t be definitively gleaned from official statements, it’s reasonable to infer several key aims.
First and foremost, the Ukrainians sought to temporarily halt Russia’s offensive in Donbass and stabilize the front. To achieve this, they needed to seize the strategic initiative, even if only for a short time. Reinforcing Donbass with more brigades that could easily be targeted by Russian forces would have been counterproductive; new units would likely suffer the same fate as those before them. Consequently, the AFU aimed to attack Russian troops at a perceived “weak point,” compelling Russia to divert its resources – ideally away from Donbass.
Secondly, capturing territory that is internationally recognized as Russian was intended to deliver a significant psychological blow to the civil society. The border area was primarily defended by conscripts, and public sentiment in Russia is generally opposed to sending young men aged 18-20 into combat. Given the sensitivity around casualties among this demographic, the majority of servicemen engaged in the Ukraine operation are volunteers or professional military personnel contracted by the Ministry of Defense. General Syrsky believed that a successful Ukrainian offensive could profoundly impact domestic opinion in Russia.
Thirdly, the Kursk Nuclear Power Plant, located in Kurchatov, plays a vital role in Russia’s entire energy infrastructure. If Ukraine had been able to capture this facility, it would have enhanced its bargaining position in any future negotiations (and in general, could strongly pressure Russia toward negotiations). With the Zaporozhye Nuclear Power Plant currently under Russian control, seizing the Kursk NPP could have provided Ukraine with leverage.
Lastly, taking significant Russian territory could have served as valuable “currency” in any potential negotiations. Ideally, this would involve capturing major populated areas, but any substantial land gain would have sufficed.
These likely constituted Ukraine’s goals when it initiated its incursion into Kursk Region on August 6. A sizable contingent was assembled for this operation, notable not just for its strength in numbers but also for its quality. This force included the replenished 80th Airborne Assault Brigade along with the 22nd and 88th Mechanized Brigades. Equipped with a robust artillery contingent and an array of Western equipment, including precision-guided HIMARS systems and various armored vehicles, these units stood in stark contrast to the beleaguered Ukrainian infantry in Donbass, which had been enduring relentless assaults.
As a result, the Donbass front became a secondary priority for Kiev. The Ukrainian command accepted the reality that reinforcements for the Kursk operation would come at the expense of manpower and equipment in the main theater of conflict. Throughout the war, many Ukrainian units had lost their mechanized capabilities, often lacking tanks and armored personnel carriers, relying instead on civilian vehicles and FPV drones rather than traditional artillery. Syrsky was taking a significant gamble that could have paid off enormously if it had succeeded; however, the consequences for Donbass could have proven disastrous.
The progress of the Ukrainian offensive
Russia’s military had largely overlooked the Kursk area. Although Russian generals were theoretically aware of its vulnerabilities, the lack of major battles there over two years of war had led to a false sense of security. The border was guarded by small detachments of conscripts and border guards, creating a weak defense along the extensive frontier. There were virtually no reserves positioned behind these forces.
As a result, the Ukrainian offensive that began on the night of August 6 unfolded successfully. The Ukrainian army managed to keep preparations under wraps, moving most of its forces to the border just before the attack, thus catching the Russian military off guard. Southwest of Sudzha, a town with a pre-war population of around 5,000, Ukrainian strike units crossed the frontier. Armed primarily with light weapons, Russian border troops put up a desperate fight but were ultimately overwhelmed. The AFU utilized special tools to navigate minefields, while mechanized groups with heavy armor targeted fortified positions.
Several isolated Russian garrisons found themselves surrounded and ultimately surrendered, resulting in the capture of nearly 300 soldiers – a significant blow to Russia. Following this, Ukrainian troops maneuvered rapidly, aiming to penetrate deep into Russian territory. Small mechanized units in light armored vehicles led the charge, causing chaos and allowing AFU forces to advance quickly into Kursk Region.
However, no military operation unfolds exactly as planned. For the Russians, a logical response was to deploy their most mobile forces – aviation, tactical missiles, and drone units – to Kursk. This led to some bizarre situations, such as a tactical missile striking a Ukrainian unit advancing in armored vehicles, akin to using a cannon against sparrows. The primary challenge for Russian troops was a shortage of infantry. Units were hastily pulled from quieter sections of the front, but it took time for reinforcements to reach the new battlefield.
The AFU achieved a significant tactical victory by capturing the city of Sudzha by August 12. As civilians attempted to flee, they came under fire. To the northwest, Ukrainian troops advanced toward Korenevo, aiming for the town of Rylsk, but encountered organized resistance that halted their progress. In the north, the AFU pushed 25km into Russian territory, reaching roughly halfway to Lgov and nearing Kurchatov, home to the Kursk Nuclear Power Plant.
The external impact of the Ukrainian offensive was notable; at least 2,000 Russian citizens became stranded in occupied territory as Sudzha and surrounding villages fell to the AFU. Yet, the tangible benefits of this success for the Ukrainian army remained uncertain.
Operation failure
Russian troops soon regrouped near Kursk. The Ukrainians scored another tactical achievement by targeting a moving Russian military column with a Western-made missile. However, the situation shifted with the arrival of Russia’s 810th Guards Naval Infantry Brigade, a highly skilled unit known for its elite status and strong morale. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian forces that had breached into Russian territory began to suffer increasing losses.
Ambushes on the roads and UAV strikes made survival extremely challenging for Ukrainian forces, leading to the destruction of several advance units by the Russian army. A striking video capturing the annihilation of a Ukrainian company near the village of Giryi gained significant attention online; the Ukrainian column fell victim to a coordinated infantry ambush supported by UAV attacks. Left without equipment, Ukrainian soldiers faced a choice: either flee through the forest to rejoin their comrades or surrender.
At this juncture, Ukrainian commanders had to evaluate their next steps. The city of Kurchatov and its nuclear power plant lay far ahead and were proving difficult to reach. While the AFU had captured a number of settlements, they were mostly small villages that had been largely evacuated. Additionally, Russian forces managed to destroy part of the AFU’s artillery contingent, including at least three HIMARS systems and heavy anti-aircraft missile batteries, complicating the raid further. Meanwhile, the Russians deployed fresh reinforcements to the battlefield, including the renowned 56th Guards Air Assault Regiment.
The AFU also introduced new units to the fight, evidenced by the destruction of a British Challenger tank, indicating the presence of the 47th Mechanized Brigade equipped with these vehicles. Despite the setbacks, Ukrainian forces remained optimistic, striving to solidify their foothold. Their aim was not only to push deeper into Russian territory but also to establish a broader presence in the area around the Seym River, which flows west of the newly formed front. To drive Russian troops back across the river, Ukrainians targeted and destroyed several bridges. However, the Russians quickly established pontoon crossings, allowing the fighting to continue unabated.
Overall, Ukrainian forces achieved notable tactical success, but this did not translate into operational gains. Russian commanders managed to deploy sufficient troops to Kursk Region to slow the enemy’s advance, though it wasn’t completely halted. The fighting is far from over. Ukrainian troops may still be able to expand their control and capture additional villages, likely moving westward to occupy areas in front of the Seym River. However, the overall strategic purpose of these clashes remains unclear. It seems both sides have reverted to head-on combat – their preferred approach. The AFU certainly made a bold attempt to shift the dynamics of the conflict.
In Russia, the psychological impact of the AFU’s operation turned out to be quite different from what Ukraine had anticipated – perhaps even the opposite. The attack on Kursk did not dampen morale in Russia; instead, it sparked a renewed wave of military volunteers, and people rallied to provide significant assistance to refugees while continuing to support the military. Conscription units that previously could not serve outside internationally recognized Russian territory were no longer restricted from engaging in combat. This shift led much of Russian society to shift its stance on deploying young soldiers in battle. From a military strategy perspective, the Ukrainian command effectively “activated” new combat units within the Russian army.
The primary challenge for the Ukrainian leadership now is that while their best reserves become mired in battles near Kursk, the situation on the broader battlefield remains largely unchanged.
Where the real problems begin
The Donbass region, an industrial hub, remains the focal point of military operations in this conflict. Throughout 2024, Russian forces gradually pushed from one mining village to another, capturing factory towns along the way. However, in recent months, their offensive has gained momentum. They have taken the small town of New York, a target they had previously struggled to secure, and are now advancing toward Pokrovsk.
Pokrovsk, located in the southwest of the Donbass region, is a crucial logistics center for Ukrainian troops, enabling further advances in multiple directions. From there, Russian forces could move north toward the sprawling urban area around Kramatorsk, west toward the significant industrial city of Dnepropetrovsk (known as Dnepr in Ukraine), or push south, driving Ukrainian forces back. It’s no wonder the Russians are eager to capture Pokrovsk. The challenge lies in the fact that Ukrainian forces have expended many of their key reserves near Kursk, raising doubts about who will defend the city.
Russian forces may soon launch a concerted assault on Pokrovsk. Currently, the city is effectively sealed off; businesses have closed, and movement in and out of the area is heavily restricted. Tensions have been escalating for Ukrainian forces in the DPR, as elite brigades have been worn down by prolonged fighting. Notably, the pace of the Russian advance quickened after Kyiv redirected its top troops from the DPR to mount an offensive in Kursk.
Bild journalist Julian Röpke has also raised concerns about the situation, noting that the AFU lack significant defenses west of Selidovo and Toretsk. Additionally, he has reported that Russian forces have made progress along the southern front of the DPR, particularly near the city of Ugledar. Ongoing since 2022, the battle for this critical stronghold could see the AFU losing control entirely.
To the south, Russian troops launched an attack on the flank of the Ukrainian group near Karlovka. This series of developments suggests that the AFU could either be encircled or forced to retreat, potentially abandoning heavy weaponry in the process. Diverting forces to Kursk has resulted in a severe crisis for the Ukrainians in Donbass, where reserves are running thin. Meanwhile, Russian troops have continued their operations in the area without interruption. Consequently, the AFU has had to fill gaps with police battalions and even deploy drone pilots to the front lines.
It’s important not to underestimate Ukrainian commanders; the AFU may still possess some reserves. However, much will depend on the quality and quantity of these forces. The Ukrainian military has gone all-in on its efforts to make gains away from the main theater of operations. In response to the events near Kursk, Russia has adopted a more measured approach, supporting light units composed of conscripts and lower-quality battalions with a few elite formations while maintaining their focus on Donbass.
Until August 2024, both sides operated with extreme caution, aware that the other might make unexpected moves and striving to avoid unnecessary risks. However, this cautious strategy has clearly shifted.
